Podcasts de historia

Diodorus Siculus: La batalla de Chaeronia

Diodorus Siculus: La batalla de Chaeronia


We are searching data for your request:

Forums and discussions:
Manuals and reference books:
Data from registers:
Wait the end of the search in all databases.
Upon completion, a link will appear to access the found materials.

En el siguiente extracto de su Biblioteca de Historia, Libro XVI, capítulo 14, el historiador Diodorus Siculus (siglo I a. C.) narra la famosa Batalla de Chaeronia del 338 a. C., en la que Felipe II de Macedonia, su hijo Alejandro y sus aliados derrotaron a los Las fuerzas griegas de Atenas y Tebas dieron como resultado la unificación de las ciudades-estado griegas bajo el dominio macedonio. Como la contribución de Alejandro a la batalla (tradicionalmente se le atribuye el haber roto las líneas tebas y ganar la batalla) ha sido cuestionada, es interesante leer el relato de la batalla de un historiador anterior.

"En el año en que Carondas fue el primer arconte en Atenas, Filipo, rey de Macedonia, que ya estaba en alianza con muchos de los griegos, se propuso someter a los atenienses y, por lo tanto, controlar con más facilidad toda la Hella. En ese momento se apoderó de Elateia [una ciudad fociana que domina los pasos de montaña hacia el sur], para caer sobre los atenienses, imaginando vencerlos con facilidad, ya que él concibió que no estaban en absoluto preparados para la guerra, habiendo hecho las paces con él recientemente. Tras la toma de Elateia, los mensajeros se apresuraron de noche a Atenas, informando a los atenienses que el lugar había sido tomado, y Felipe estaba liderando a sus hombres con toda su fuerza para invadir el Ática.

Los magistrados atenienses, alarmados, hicieron que los trompetistas hicieran sonar su advertencia durante toda la noche, y el rumor se extendió con espantoso efecto por toda la ciudad. Al amanecer la gente sin esperar la llamada habitual del magistrado se apresuró al lugar de reunión. Allí vinieron los oficiales con el mensajero; y cuando habían anunciado su negocio, el miedo y el silencio llenaron el lugar, y ninguno de los oradores habituales tuvo ánimo para decir una palabra. Aunque el heraldo llamó a todos a "declarar sus mentes" - en cuanto a lo que se debía hacer, no apareció ninguno; el pueblo, por lo tanto, con gran terror, miró a Demóstenes, que se levantó ahora, y les pidió que fueran valientes, y que enviaran inmediatamente enviados a Tebas para tratar con los beocios para unirse a la defensa de la libertad común; porque no había tiempo (dijo) para enviar una embajada en busca de ayuda a otra parte, ya que Felipe probablemente invadiría el Ática en dos días, y al ver que debía marchar a través de Beocia, la única ayuda era buscar allí.

La gente aprobó su consejo y se votó un decreto para enviar una embajada de ese tipo. Como el hombre más elocuente para la tarea, se enfrentó a Demóstenes y se apresuró a marcharse [a Tebas. A pesar de las hostilidades pasadas entre Atenas y Tebas, y los argumentos en contra de los enviados de Felipe, Demóstenes persuadió a Tebas y sus ciudades beocias de que su libertad, así como la de Atenas, estaba realmente en juego, y que se unieran a los atenienses.]. Cuando Felipe no pudo convencer a los beocios de que se unieran a él, decidió luchar contra ambos. Con este fin, después de esperar refuerzos, invadió Beocia con unos treinta mil pies y dos mil caballos. .

Ambos ejércitos estaban ahora listos para enfrentarse; ciertamente eran iguales en coraje y valor personal, pero en número y experiencia militar una gran ventaja residía en el rey. Porque había peleado muchas batallas, ganado la mayoría de ellas y, por lo tanto, había aprendido mucho sobre la guerra, pero los mejores generales atenienses habían muerto ahora, y Chares, el jefe de ellos aún quedaba, se diferenciaba poco de un hoplita común en todo eso. pertenecía a la verdadera generalidad. Hacia el amanecer [en Chaeronea en Beocia] los dos ejércitos se prepararon para la batalla. El rey ordenó a su hijo Alejandro, que acababa de cumplir la mayoría de edad, pero ya estaba dando claros signos de su espíritu marcial, que dirigiera un ala, aunque a él se unieron algunos de los mejores de sus generales. El propio Felipe, con un cuerpo escogido, encabezó la otra ala y dispuso las diversas brigadas en los puestos que la ocasión exigía. Los atenienses formaron su ejército, dejando una parte a los beocios y liderando el resto ellos mismos.

Finalmente, las huestes se enfrentaron y la batalla fue encarnizada y sangrienta. Continuó durante mucho tiempo con una matanza terrible, pero la victoria fue incierta, hasta que Alejandro, ansioso por darle a su padre una prueba de su valor, y seguido por una banda valiente, fue el primero en atravesar el cuerpo principal del enemigo, oponiéndose directamente a él. , matando a muchos; y derribó todo delante de él, y sus hombres, presionando de cerca, cortaron en pedazos las líneas del enemigo; y después de que el suelo se hubiera amontonado con los muertos, puso el ala que le resistía en vuelo. También el rey, a la cabeza de su cuerpo, luchó con no menos audacia y furia, para que la gloria de la victoria no fuera atribuida a su hijo. Obligó al enemigo que se le resistía a ceder terreno y finalmente los derrotó por completo, y así fue el principal instrumento de la victoria.

¿Historia de amor?

Regístrese para recibir nuestro boletín semanal gratuito por correo electrónico.

Cayeron más de mil atenienses y dos mil fueron hechos prisioneros. También pereció un gran número de beocios y el enemigo capturó a muchos más. .

[Después de una conducta jactanciosa del rey, gracias a la influencia de Demades, un orador ateniense que había sido capturado], Felipe envió embajadores a Atenas y renovó la paz con ella [en términos muy tolerables, dejándole la mayor parte de sus libertades locales] . También hizo las paces con los beocios, pero colocó una guarnición en Tebas. Habiendo así sembrado el terror en los principales estados griegos, hizo su principal esfuerzo para ser elegido generalísimo de Grecia. Habiéndose oído en el extranjero que haría la guerra a los persas, en nombre de los griegos, para vengar las impiedades cometidas por ellos contra los dioses griegos, en la actualidad se ganó el favor público de su lado en toda Grecia. Fue muy liberal y cortés, también, tanto con los ciudadanos privados como con las comunidades, y proclamó a las ciudades que deseaba consultar con ellos en cuanto al bien común ”. Después de lo cual se convocó un concilio general [de las ciudades griegas] en Corinto, donde declaró su plan de hacer la guerra a los persas y las razones por las que esperaba el éxito; y por lo tanto deseaba que el Consejo se uniera a él como aliados en la guerra. Por fin fue nombrado general de toda Grecia, con poder absoluto, y habiendo hecho grandes preparativos y asignado los contingentes a ser enviados por cada ciudad, regresó a Macedonia donde, poco después, fue asesinado por Pausanius, un enemigo privado ".


Diodorus Siculus

Diodorus Siculus (/ ˌ d aɪ ə ˈ d ɔː r ə s ˈ s ɪ k j ʊ l ə s / Koinē Griego: Διόδωρος Σικελιώτης Diodoros Sikeliotes Florida. Siglo I a.C.) o Diodoro de Sicilia fue un historiador griego antiguo. Es conocido por escribir la monumental historia universal. Bibliotheca historica, en cuarenta libros, quince de los cuales sobreviven intactos, [1] entre el 60 y el 30 a. C. La historia abrió nuevos caminos al no ser helenocéntrico, en parte debido a las influencias estoicas en su creencia en la hermandad de todos los hombres. [1]

La historia se organiza en tres partes. El primero cubre la historia mítica hasta la destrucción de Troya, ordenada geográficamente, describiendo regiones de todo el mundo desde Egipto, India y Arabia hasta Europa. El segundo cubre el tiempo desde la Guerra de Troya hasta la muerte de Alejandro Magno. El tercero cubre el período hasta aproximadamente el 60 a. C. Bibliotheca, que significa "biblioteca", reconoce que se basó en el trabajo de muchos otros autores.


La batalla de Chaeronea y sus secuelas

La historia
Diodoro & # 8217 la primera referencia sustantiva a Alejandro se produce en la batalla de Chaeronea (338 a. C.). Su relato de la batalla en sí es muy breve, pero nos dice que cuando los ejércitos se desplegaron, Alexander, joven en edad, pero conocido por su valor y rapidez de acción, estaba posicionado entre Philip. # 8216 generales más experimentados & # 8217, sin duda para aprender de ellos tanto como para luchar contra sí mismo.

La batalla comenzó al amanecer y & # 8216 fue muy disputada durante mucho tiempo & # 8217. Finalmente, sin embargo, prevalecieron los macedonios. Como era de esperar, el hombre que Diodoro dice que marcó la diferencia fue Alejandro. Decidido a mostrarle a Felipe & # 8216 su destreza & # 8217, el príncipe de dieciocho años rompió la línea beocia y puso al enemigo en fuga.

Al ver lo que había hecho su hijo, Philip se adelantó. Diodoro dice que estaba decidido a no conceder & # 8216 crédito por la victoria ni siquiera a Alejandro & # 8217.

  • 1000+ atenienses asesinados
  • 2000+ atenienses capturados
  • & # 8216Muchos & # 8217 Beocios asesinados y & # 8216 no pocos & # 8217 capturados

Después de que terminó la batalla, Philip completó el trabajo del día levantando & # 8216 un trofeo de la victoria & # 8217, entregando a los enemigos muertos para que pudieran ser enterrados, sacrificando a los dioses en acción de gracias por su victoria y recompensando a los suyos. hombres que & # 8216 se habían distinguido & # 8217 durante la batalla.

Ese fue Philip en su mejor momento. Lo peor, lamentablemente, apareció pronto. Diodoro explica que después de beber vino puro, Felipe comenzó a burlarse de sus prisioneros. Pero no lo tomaron tumbado uno de ellos, sin embargo, un ateniense llamado Demades, reprendió al rey macedonio. & # 8216O Rey, & # 8217 dijo, & # 8216, cuando la Fortuna te ha puesto en el papel de Agamenón, ¿no te avergüenzas de hacer el papel de Thersites? & # 8217

Demades & # 8217 reprendió a Philip. Al darse cuenta de su error, no solo liberó a Demades, sino que lo convirtió en uno de & # 8216 su propia empresa & # 8217. Pero Demades aún no había terminado. Usó su habilidad como orador para persuadir a Felipe de que liberara a todos los prisioneros atenienses.

De vuelta en Atenas, los atenienses lidiaron con su derrota condenando a muerte al general perdedor, Lisicles, bajo la acusación de Licurgo. Pero, ¿qué había hecho Lysicles más allá de perder la batalla? ¿Había actuado con negligencia? ¿Traicionó la alianza? No. La acusación de Licurgo surgió simplemente por enojo de que después de perder la batalla, y tantos hombres, Lisicles tuvo la temeridad de mostrar su rostro en Atenas nuevamente. Justicia dura.

Comentarios
Al leer el relato de Diodoro sobre la batalla de Chaeronea, me quedé muy impresionado por su insistencia en que Alejandro no derrotó solo a los beocios. Alejandro, se nos dice, fue & # 8216 secundado por sus hombres & # 8217 durante la batalla. Cuando rompió la línea, & # 8216el mismo éxito fue ganado por sus compañeros & # 8217.

La forma en que Philip & # 8216 roba & # 8217 la victoria me hizo sonreír con ironía. Así era como eran los hombres, en ese entonces, muy muy competitivo & # 8211 y cómo serían durante las Guerras de los Sucesores (323-281 a. C.).

Las travesuras borrachas de Felipe inevitablemente recuerdan a la fiesta de bodas de Cleopatra Eurídice ese mismo año, o en el 337 a. C. cuando intentó agredir a Alejandro, que acababa de insultar a Atalo. Entonces, la bebida de Philip lo hizo parecer un idiota mientras se caía del sofá. Aquí, lo lleva a rechazar los & # 8216símbolos de orgullo & # 8217 que llevaba (por ejemplo, su guirnalda). Esto me hace pensar que tenía un motivo oculto para escuchar a Demades, aunque no puedo ni imaginarme cuál sería.

Según Wikipedia, Thersites fue un soldado aqueo durante la Guerra de Troya. Era un hombre feo, cojo y con las piernas arqueadas. Con bastante imprudencia, insultó a Agamenón. En venganza, Odiseo lo golpeó & # 8211 para diversión de los aqueos reunidos.

Obviamente, Demades le está diciendo a Felipe que no sea ridículo como Thersites, pero la imagen que saco de la alusión es la de Felipe como Agamenón. No me refiero al Agamenón, que era rey de todos los griegos, sino al Agamenón que, cuando regresó a casa, fue asesinado en su baño por Clitemnestra y Egisto. Sé que no tenemos pruebas de que Olimpia desempeñara el papel de Clitemnestra, pero ciertamente tenía un motivo lo suficientemente fuerte como para matarlo.

Un punto más sobre Demades & # 8211 no creo que me vaya a acostumbrar nunca a la forma en que los enemigos pueden convertirse en amigos de confianza & # 8211 tan rápidamente & # 8211 en aquellos días. Parece increíble que Felipe pudiera siquiera pensar en colocar a Demades en una posición de responsabilidad y, sin embargo, lo hizo, dándole al ateniense & # 8216 todas las marcas de honor & # 8217 también. Y todo porque Demades se manejaba bien con las palabras. Eso sí, hoy elegimos a nuestros líderes cuando no tienen mucho más, así que quizás no debería sorprenderme.

Los atenienses y el tratamiento de Lisicles me recuerdan las purgas de Stalin en los años treinta. Luego, los hombres fueron ejecutados no porque fueran criminales que merecían la pena de muerte (suponiendo que alguien lo haga, lo cual no creo) sino porque habían caído en desgracia con el Hombre de Acero. Esto es lo que le pasó a Lysicles. Sí, había perdido la batalla pero, como mencioné anteriormente, no por negligencia. Esto está probado por la naturaleza de Licurgo y la acusación # 8217. Los atenienses pueden haber sido los primeros demócratas del mundo, pero en verdad, sólo hasta cierto punto, lamentablemente, parece que Lisicles pronto lo sintió.


Batalla de Chaeronea

Nuestros editores revisarán lo que ha enviado y determinarán si deben revisar el artículo.

Batalla de Chaeronea, (Agosto de 338 a. C.), batalla en Beocia, Grecia central, en la que Felipe II de Macedonia derrotó a una coalición de ciudades-estado griegas lideradas por Tebas y Atenas. La victoria, en parte atribuida al hijo de 18 años de Felipe, Alejandro Magno, cimentó la hegemonía macedonia en Grecia y puso fin a la resistencia militar efectiva contra Felipe en la región.

Hacia el 338 a. C., Felipe ya había entrado en la segunda década de su metódica conquista de Grecia. El orador ateniense Demóstenes había percibido la amenaza que representaban las ambiciones macedonias en una fecha relativamente temprana, pero Filipo utilizó la diplomacia y la amenaza de la fuerza para aislar a Atenas y hacer que las ciudades-estado griegas rivales se enfrentaran entre sí. Tebas, anteriormente partidaria de Filipo, se ganó para la causa ateniense y envió tropas para complementar al ejército ateniense y sus aliados en sus esfuerzos por frenar el avance macedonio. Los griegos habían colocado una fuerza de bloqueo en el paso de las Termópilas, por lo que Felipe maniobró con su ejército hacia el sur, hacia Beocia, al norte de Tebas.

Felipe dirigió una fuerza de aproximadamente 30.000 infantes y 2.000 jinetes. La hueste griega combinada contaba con unos 35.000 hombres. Felipe colocó a Alejandro a la izquierda, frente a los tebanos y su élite Sacred Band. La falange macedonia ocupaba el centro, frente a la infantería griega aliada. Felipe tomó posiciones a la derecha, frente a los atenienses.

Hay dos interpretaciones dominantes de los eventos en Chaeronea. El primero, firmemente establecido por el historiador Nicholas G. Hammond en la década de 1930 y respaldado por Ian Worthington a principios del siglo XXI, se basa en la combinación de varios fragmentos de textos antiguos para proporcionar un conjunto complejo de maniobras utilizadas por Philip para asegurar la victoria. En ese relato, Felipe sacó de posición a la inexperta milicia ateniense con una fingida retirada. Mientras los atenienses buscaban explotar su ventaja percibida, las tropas en el centro griego se movieron hacia la izquierda en un intento por preservar la línea. Eso abrió una brecha entre el centro griego y los tebanos, y Alejandro, a la cabeza de Felipe hetairoi Caballería ("compañera"), cargada. Los tebanos y los griegos aliados fueron tomados por la retaguardia, mientras que los macedonios derrotaron a los atenienses.

La segunda interpretación descarta muchos de los textos antiguos posteriores, a menudo anecdóticos, y en su lugar se centra en el relato de Diodoro, que presenta una batalla tradicional entre falanges y falanges. En esa descripción, los macedonios veteranos simplemente dominaron a los griegos, en parte debido al uso de los macedonios del sarissa, una lanza de 4 a 6,5 ​​metros (13 a 21 pies) que era aproximadamente el doble de la longitud de las picas utilizadas por los griegos.

En ambos relatos de la batalla, la disciplina superior de la Banda Sagrada resultó en su aniquilación. Rodeados y reacios a rendirse, la Banda Sagrada luchó noblemente, pero fueron derribados por los macedonios. Las excavaciones arqueológicas cerca de la ciudad de Chaeronea (ahora Khairónia) han descubierto un montículo que contiene las cenizas de las tropas macedonias, claramente construido como un monumento a la victoria de Filipo. Además, se cree que 254 esqueletos encontrados enterrados debajo de un marcador funerario son los restos de la Banda Sagrada, enterrados en parejas. La batalla marcó el final de la oposición militar efectiva a Filipo en Grecia y anunció el comienzo de la dominación macedonia en la región.


Diodorus Siculus, Biblioteca de Historia

Diodorus Siculus (c. 90-c. 20 a. C.) fue un historiador griego cuya enorme compilación The Biblioteca de Historia se basa en gran medida en las obras de otros, como Posidonius. Probablemente nunca viajó a tierras celtas, a pesar de que agrega a los textos de Posidonio sobre los celtas.

La siguiente es una adaptación de Diodorus Siculus. Biblioteca de Historia (Libros III y # 8211 VIII), trans. C. H. Oldfather. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1935.

§ 1.9. […] Ahora bien, en cuanto a quiénes fueron los primeros reyes, no estamos en condiciones de hablar bajo nuestra propia autoridad, ni damos asentimiento a aquellos historiadores que profesan saberlo, pues es imposible que el descubrimiento de la escritura fuera de una fecha tan temprana. como haber sido contemporáneo de los primeros reyes. Pero si un hombre admitiera incluso este último punto, todavía parece evidente que los escritores de historia son, como clase, una aparición bastante reciente en la vida de la humanidad. Una vez más, con respecto a la antigüedad de la raza humana, no sólo los griegos plantean sus afirmaciones, sino también muchos de los bárbaros, todos sosteniendo que son ellos los indígenas y los primeros hombres en descubrir las cosas que son de origen humano. uso en la vida, y que fueron los eventos en su propia historia los que fueron los primeros que se consideraron dignos de registro. En lo que a nosotros respecta, sin embargo, no intentaremos determinar con precisión la antigüedad de cada nación o cuál es la raza cuyas naciones son anteriores en el tiempo al resto y en cuántos años, sino que registraremos en resumen, manteniendo la debida proporción en nuestro relato, lo que cada nación tiene que decir sobre su antigüedad y los primeros acontecimientos de su historia.

§ 4.19.1. Heracles, entonces, entregó el reino de los íberos a los hombres más nobles entre los nativos y, por su parte, tomó su ejército y pasó al Celtica y atravesándolo a lo largo y ancho, puso fin a la anarquía y el asesinato de extraños. a lo que la gente se había vuelto adicta y dado que una gran multitud de hombres de todas las naciones acudían en masa a su ejército por su propia voluntad, fundó una gran ciudad que fue nombrada Alesia por el “errante” (alê) en su campaña.

§ 4.19.2. Pero también mezcló entre los ciudadanos de la ciudad muchos nativos, y como estos superaban a los demás en multitud, sucedió que los habitantes en su conjunto fueron barbarizados. Los celtas hasta la actualidad tienen en honor a esta ciudad, considerándola como el corazón y la ciudad madre de todos los celtas. Y durante todo el período desde los días de Heracles, esta ciudad permaneció libre y nunca fue saqueada hasta nuestro tiempo, pero al final Cayo César, que había sido declarado dios debido a la magnitud de sus hechos, la tomó por asalto y la hizo y los otros súbditos celtas de los romanos.

§ 4.19.3. [Heracles en los Alpes] Heracles luego se dirigió desde Celtica a Italia, y mientras atravesaba el paso de montaña a través de los Alpes, hizo una carretera fuera de la ruta, que era accidentada y casi intransitable, con el resultado de que ahora puede ser atravesado por ejércitos y trenes de equipajes.

§ 4.19.4. Los bárbaros que habitaban esta región montañosa estaban acostumbrados a masacrar y saquear a los ejércitos que pasaban cuando llegaban a las partes difíciles del camino, pero él los sometió a todos, mató a los que eran los líderes en la anarquía de este tipo, y hizo que el viaje fuera seguro para las generaciones venideras. Y después de cruzar los Alpes, atravesó la llanura de lo que ahora se llama Galacia y se abrió paso a través de Liguria.

§ 5.22. Pero daremos una descripción detallada de las costumbres de Gran Bretaña y de las otras características que son propias de la isla cuando lleguemos a la campaña que César emprendió contra ella, y en este momento discutiremos el estaño que produce la isla. Los habitantes de Gran Bretaña que habitan en el promontorio conocido como Belerium [ahora Cornwall] son ​​especialmente hospitalarios con los extraños y han adoptado una forma de vida civilizada debido a sus relaciones con los comerciantes de otros pueblos. Ellos son los que trabajan el estaño, tratando con ingenio la cama que lo soporta. Este lecho, al ser como una roca, contiene vetas de tierra y en ellas los trabajadores extraen el mineral, que luego derriten y limpian de sus impurezas. Luego cortan la lata en pedazos del tamaño de huesos de nudillos y la transportan a una isla que se encuentra frente a Gran Bretaña y se llama Ictis [La Isla de Wight] porque en el momento del reflujo el espacio entre esta isla y el continente se convierte en seco y pueden llevar la lata en grandes cantidades a la isla en sus carros. (Y algo peculiar ocurre en el caso de las islas vecinas que se encuentran entre Europa y Gran Bretaña, porque con la marea de inundación los pasajes entre ellas y el continente se llenan y tienen la apariencia de islas, pero con la marea baja el mar retrocede. y deja secar un gran espacio, y en ese momento parecen penínsulas.) En la isla de Ictis los comerciantes compran la lata de los nativos y la llevan desde allí a través del Estrecho hasta Galacia o Galia y finalmente, haciendo su camino a pie a través de la Galia durante unos treinta días, llevan sus mercancías a caballo hasta la desembocadura del río Ródano.

§ 5.24. Puesto que hemos expuesto los hechos concernientes a las islas que se encuentran en las regiones occidentales, consideramos que no será ajeno a nuestro propósito discutir brevemente las naciones de Europa que se encuentran cerca de ellas y que no mencionamos en nuestros libros anteriores. Ahora, Celtica fue gobernada en la antigüedad, según nos dicen, por un hombre renombrado que tenía una hija que era de estatura inusual y que sobresalía en belleza con respecto a todas las demás doncellas. Pero ella, debido a su fuerza de cuerpo y maravillosa belleza, era tan altiva que seguía rechazando a todos los hombres que la cortejaban en matrimonio, ya que creía que ninguno de sus pretendientes era digno de ella. Ahora, en el curso de su campaña contra los Geryones, Heracles visitó Celtica y fundó allí la ciudad de Alesia, y la doncella, al ver a Heracles, se maravilló de su destreza y superioridad corporal y aceptó sus abrazos con todo entusiasmo, habiendo dado sus padres su consentimiento. De esta unión dio a luz a Heracles un hijo llamado Galates, que superó con creces a todos los jóvenes de la nación en calidad de espíritu y fuerza de cuerpo. Y cuando llegó a la propiedad del hombre y sucedió en el trono de sus padres, sometió una gran parte del territorio vecino y logró grandes hazañas en la guerra. Haciéndose famoso por su valentía, llamó a sus súbditos Galatae o Galos por él mismo, y estos a su vez dieron su nombre a toda Galacia o Galia.

§ 5.26. […] Como la templanza del clima es destruida por el frío excesivo, la tierra no produce vino ni aceite, y como consecuencia los galos que se ven privados de estos frutos hacen una bebida de cebada que llaman zythos o cerveza, y también beben el agua con que limpian sus panales. Los galos son sumamente adictos al uso del vino y se llenan del vino que traen los comerciantes a su país, bebiéndolo sin mezclar, y ya que beben de esta bebida sin moderación debido a su ansia, cuando están borrachos. caen en un estupor o en un estado de locura. En consecuencia, muchos de los comerciantes italianos, inducidos por el amor al dinero que los caracteriza, creen que el amor por el vino de estos galos es su propia bendición. Porque éstos transportan el vino por los ríos navegables en barcas y por la llanura en carretas, y reciben por ello un precio increíble, ya que a cambio de una jarra de vino reciben un esclavo, obteniendo un sirviente a cambio de la bebida.

§ 5.27. En toda la Galia no se encuentra prácticamente plata, pero hay oro en grandes cantidades, que la Naturaleza proporciona a los habitantes sin que tengan que extraerlo ni sufrir ninguna penuria. Porque los ríos, a medida que atraviesan el país, tienen curvas cerradas que giran de un lado a otro y chocan contra las montañas que bordean sus orillas y se llevan grandes trozos de ellos, están llenos de polvo de oro. Esto lo recogen los que se ocupan de este negocio, y estos hombres muelen o trituran los terrones que contienen el polvo, y después de lavar con agua los elementos terrosos que contiene, entregan el polvo de oro para que sea fundido en los hornos. De esta manera amasan una gran cantidad de oro, que es utilizado para adorno no solo por las mujeres sino también por los hombres. Porque alrededor de sus muñecas y brazos llevan brazaletes, alrededor de sus cuellos pesados ​​collares [torques] de oro macizo, y grandes anillos también llevan, e incluso corsé de oro. Y una práctica peculiar y llamativa se encuentra entre los celtas superiores, en relación con los recintos sagrados de los dioses, ya que en los templos y recintos consagrados en su tierra, se ha depositado una gran cantidad de oro como dedicación a los dioses, y ningún nativo del país lo toca jamás por escrúpulos religiosos, aunque los celtas son un pueblo sumamente codicioso.

§ 5.28. Los galos son altos, de músculos ondulados, de piel blanca, y su cabello es rubio, y no sólo naturalmente, sino que también lo hacen su práctica por medios artificiales para aumentar el color distintivo que la naturaleza le ha dado. Porque siempre se lavan el cabello con agua de cal, y lo tiran hacia atrás desde la frente hasta la parte superior de la cabeza y de regreso a la nuca, con el resultado de que su apariencia es como la de los sátiros y sartenes, ya que el tratamiento de su pelo lo hace tan pesado y áspero que no se diferencia en nada de la crin de los caballos. Algunos se afeitan la barba, pero otros la dejan crecer un poco y los nobles se afeitan las mejillas, pero dejan crecer el bigote hasta cubrir la boca. En consecuencia, cuando están comiendo, sus bigotes se enredan en la comida, y cuando están bebiendo, la bebida pasa, por así decirlo, a través de una especie de colador. Cuando comen, todos se sientan, no en sillas, sino en el suelo, usando como cojines pieles de lobos o de perros. El servicio de las comidas lo realizan los niños más pequeños, tanto hombres como mujeres, que tienen la edad adecuada y están al alcance de la mano sus chimeneas llenas de brasas, y sobre ellas calderos y asadores con trozos de carne enteros. Recompensan a los valientes guerreros con las porciones más selectas de la carne, de la misma manera que el poeta presenta a Ayax como honrado por los jefes después de que regresó victorioso de su combate singular con Héctor [en la Ilíada 7.321]: espina dorsal / rebanadas, de cuerpo entero, para su honor ".

Invitan a extraños a sus fiestas y no preguntan hasta después de la comida quiénes son y qué cosas necesitan. Y es su costumbre, incluso durante el transcurso de la comida, aprovechar cualquier asunto trivial como ocasión para discusiones intensas y luego desafiarse unos a otros en un combate singular, sin ninguna consideración por sus vidas porque la creencia de Pitágoras prevalece entre ellos. , que las almas de los hombres son inmortales y que después de un número prescrito de años comienzan una nueva vida, el alma entra en otro cuerpo. En consecuencia, se nos dice, en los funerales de sus muertos algunos arrojaron sobre la pira cartas que han escrito a sus parientes fallecidos, como si los muertos pudieran leer estas cartas.

§ 5.29. En sus viajes y cuando van a la batalla, los galos usan carros tirados por dos caballos, que llevan al auriga y al guerrero y cuando se encuentran con la caballería en la lucha, primero arrojan sus jabalinas al enemigo y luego bajan de sus carros y se unen. batalla con sus espadas. Algunos de ellos desprecian la muerte hasta tal punto que se enfrentan a los peligros de la batalla sin armadura protectora y con nada más que un cinturón alrededor de sus lomos. También traen a la guerra a sus hombres libres para que les sirvan, escogiéndolos de entre los pobres, y estos ayudantes los usan en la batalla como aurigas y escuderos.

También es su costumbre, cuando se forman para la batalla, ponerse al frente de la línea y desafiar a los hombres más valientes de entre sus oponentes al combate singular, blandiendo sus armas frente a ellos para aterrorizar a sus adversarios. Y cuando cualquier hombre acepta el desafío de la batalla, entonces estallan en una canción en alabanza de las valientes hazañas de sus antepasados ​​y en jactancia de sus propios grandes logros, insultando todo el tiempo y menospreciando a su oponente, e intentando, en una palabra. , con tal charla para despojarlo de su espíritu audaz antes del combate. Cuando sus enemigos caen, les cortan la cabeza y las sujetan al cuello de sus caballos y entregando a sus asistentes los brazos de sus oponentes, todos cubiertos de sangre, se los llevan como botín, cantando un tributo sobre ellos y golpeando. un canto de victoria, y estas primicias de la batalla las sujetan con clavos en sus casas, tal como lo hacen los hombres, en ciertos tipos de caza, con las cabezas de las bestias salvajes que han dominado. Las cabezas de sus más distinguidos enemigos las embalsaman en aceite de cedro y las conservan cuidadosamente en un cofre, y las exhiben a los extraños, sosteniendo gravemente que a cambio de esta cabeza alguno de sus antepasados, o su padre, o el hombre mismo, se negó. la oferta de una gran suma de dinero. Y algunos hombres entre ellos, se nos dice, se jactan de no haber aceptado un peso igual de oro por la cabeza que muestran, mostrando una especie de bárbara grandeza de alma por no vender lo que constituye un testimonio y prueba de valor. algo noble, pero seguir luchando contra uno de nuestra propia raza, después de su muerte, es descender al nivel de las bestias.

§ 5.30. La ropa que visten es llamativa: camisas teñidas y bordadas de varios colores y calzones, que en su lengua llaman bracae y visten abrigos a rayas, abrochados por un peroné en el hombro, pesados ​​para el invierno y ligeros para el verano. , en el que se fijan cuadros, muy juntos y de tonalidades variadas. Para armaduras usan escudos largos, tan altos como un hombre, que están labrados de una manera peculiar para ellos, algunos de ellos incluso tienen figuras de animales grabadas en bronce, y estos están hábilmente trabajados con un ojo no solo a la belleza. sino también a la protección. En la cabeza se colocan cascos de bronce de los cuales destacan grandes figuras en relieve y dan un aspecto de gran tamaño a quien los lleva puesto que en algunos casos se adhieren cuernos al casco formando una sola pieza, en otros casos imágenes de las partes anteriores de aves o animales de cuatro patas. Sus trompetas son de naturaleza peculiar y como las que usan los bárbaros, porque cuando se tocan, emiten un sonido áspero, apropiado para el tumulto de la guerra. Algunos de ellos tienen una cota de malla de hierro, pero otros están satisfechos con la armadura que les ha dado la naturaleza y van desnudos a la batalla. In place of the short sword they carry long broad-swords which are hung on chains of iron or bronze and are worn along the right flank. And some of them gather up their shirts with belts plated with gold or silver. The spears they brandish, which they call lanciae, have iron heads a cubit in length and even more, and a little under two palms in breadth for their swords are not shorter than the javelins of other peoples, and the heads of their javelins are larger than the swords of others. Some of these javelins come from the forge straight, others twist in and out in spiral shapes for their entire length, the purpose being that the thrust may not only cut the flesh, but mangle it as well, and that the withdrawal of the spear may lacerate the wound.

§ 5.31. The Gauls are terrifying in aspect and their voices are deep and altogether harsh when they meet together they converse with few words and in riddles, hinting darkly at things for the most part and using one word when they mean another and they like to talk in superlatives, to the end that they may extol themselves and depreciate all other men. They are also boasters and threateners and are fond of pompous language, and yet they have sharp wits and are not without cleverness at learning. Among them are also to be found lyric poets whom they call Bards. These men sing to the accompaniment of instruments which are like lyres, and their songs may be either of praise or of obloquy.
Philosophers, as we may call them, and men learned in religious affairs are unusually honoured among them and are called by them druids. The Gauls likewise make use of diviners, accounting them worthy of high approbation, and these men foretell the future by means of the flight or cries of birds and of the slaughter of sacred animals, and they have all the multitude subservient to them.

They also observe a custom which is especially astonishing and incredible, in case they are taking thought with respect to matters of great concern for in such cases they devote to death a human being and plunge a dagger into him in the region above the diaphragm, and when the stricken victim has fallen they read the future from the manner of his fall and from the twitching of his limbs, as well as from the gushing of the blood, having learned to place confidence in an ancient and long-continued practice of observing such matters. And it is a custom of theirs that no one should perform a sacrifice without a “philosopher” for thank-offerings should be rendered to the gods, they say, by the hands of men who are experienced in the nature of the divine, and who speak, as it were, the language of the gods, and it is also through the mediation of such men, they think, that blessings likewise should be sought. Nor is it only in the exigencies of peace, but in their wars as well, that they obey, before all others, these men and their chanting poets, and such obedience is observed not only by their friends but also by their enemies many times, for instance, when two armies approach each other in battle with swords drawn and spears thrust forward, these men step forth between them and cause them to cease, as though having cast a spell over certain kinds of wild beasts. In this way, even among the wildest barbarians, does passion give place before wisdom, and Ares stands in awe of the Muses.

§ 5.32. And now it will be useful to draw a distinction which is unknown to many: The peoples who dwell in the interior above Massalia, those on the slopes of the Alps, and those on this side the Pyrenees mountains are called Celts, whereas the peoples who are established above this land of Celtica in the parts which stretch to the north, both along the ocean and along the Hercynian Mountain, and all the peoples who come after these, as far as Scythia, are known as Gauls the Romans, however, include all these nations together under a single name, calling them one and all Gauls. The women of the Gauls are not only like the men in their great stature but they are a match for them in courage as well. Their children are usually born with grayish hair, but as they grow older the colour of their hair changes to that of their parents.

The most savage peoples among them are those who dwell beneath the Bears and on the borders of Scythia, and some of these, we are told, eat human beings, even as the Britons do who dwell on Iris [Ireland], as it is called. And since the valour of these peoples and their savage ways have been famed abroad, some men say that it was they who in ancient times overran all Asia and were called Cimmerians, time having slightly corrupted the word into the name of Cimbrians, as they are now called. For it has been their ambition from old to plunder, invading for this purpose the lands of others, and to regard all men with contempt. For they are the people who captured Rome, who plundered the sanctuary at Delphi, who levied tribute upon a large part of Europe and no small part of Asia, and settled themselves upon the lands of the peoples they had subdued in war, being called in time Greco-Gauls, because they became mixed with the Greeks, and who, as their last accomplishment, have destroyed many large Roman armies. And in pursuance of their savage ways they manifest an outlandish impiety also with respect to their sacrifices for their criminals they keep prisoner for five years and then impale in honour of the gods, dedicating them together with many other offerings of first-fruits and constructing pyres of great size. Captives also are used by them as victims for their sacrifices in honour of the gods. Certain of them likewise slay, together with the human beings, such animals as are taken in war, or burn them or do away with them in some other vengeful fashion.

Although their wives are comely, they have very little to do with them, but rage with lust, in outlandish fashion, for the embraces of males. It is their practice to sleep upon the ground on the skins of wild beasts and to tumble with a male lover on each side. And the most astonishing thing of all is that they feel no concern for their proper dignity, but prostitute to others without a qualm the flower of their bodies nor do they consider this a disgraceful thing to do, but rather when anyone of them is thus approached and refuses the favour offered him, this they consider an act of dishonour.

§ 5.33. Now that we have spoken at sufficient length about the Celts we shall turn our history to the Celtiberians who are their neighbours. In ancient times these two peoples, namely, the Iberians and the Celts, kept warring among themselves over the land, but when later they arranged their differences and settled upon the land altogether, and when they went further and agreed to intermarriage with each other, because of such intermixture the two peoples received the appellation given above. And since it was two powerful nations that united and the land of theirs was fertile, it came to pass that the Celtiberians advanced far in fame and were subdued by the Romans with difficulty and only after they had faced them in battle over a long period. And this people, it would appear, provide for warfare not only excellent cavalry but also foot-soldiers who excel in prowess and endurance. They wear rough black cloaks, the wool of which resembles the hair of goats.

As for their arms, certain of the Celtiberians, carry light shields like those of the Gauls, and certain carry circular wicker shields as large as an aspis [Greek shield], and about their shins and calves they wind greaves made of hair and on their heads they wear bronze helmets adorned with purple crests. The swords they wear are two-edged and wrought of excellent iron, and they also have dirks a span in length which they use in fighting at close quarters. And a peculiar practice is followed by them in the fashioning of their weapons for they bury plates of iron in the ground and leave them there until in the course of time the rust has eaten out what is weak in the iron and what is left is only the most unyielding, and of this they then fashion excellent swords and such other objects as pertain to war. The weapon which has been fashioned in the manner described cuts through anything which gets in its way, for no shield or helmet or bone can withstand a blow from it, because of the exceptional quality of the iron. Able as they are to fight in two styles, they first carry on the contest on horseback, and when they have defeated the cavalry they dismount, and assuming the rôle of foot-soldiers they put up marvellous battles. And a peculiar and strange custom obtains among them: Careful and cleanly as they are in their ways of living, they nevertheless observe one practice which is low and partakes of great uncleanness for they consistently use urine to bathe the body and wash their teeth with it, thinking that in this practice is constituted the care and healing of the body.

§ 5.34. As for the customs they follow toward malefactors and enemies the Celtiberians are cruel, but toward strangers they are honourable and humane. Strangers, for instance, who come among them they one and all entreat to stop at their homes and they are rivals one of another in their hospitality, and any among them who are attended by strangers are spoken of with approval and regarded as beloved of the gods. For their food they use meats of every description, of which they enjoy an abundance, since the country supplies them with a great quantity of honey, although the wine they purchase from merchants who sail over the seas to them. Of the nations neighbouring upon the Celtiberians the most advanced is the people of the Vaccaei, as they are called for this people each year divides among its members the land which it tills and making the fruits the property of all they measure out his portion to each man, and for any cultivators who have appropriated some part for themselves they have set the penalty as death. The most valiant among the Iberians are those who are known as Lusitanians, who carry in war very small shields which are interwoven with cords of sinew and are able to protect the body unusually well, because they are so tough and shifting this shield easily as they do in their fighting, now here, now there, they cleverly ward off from their person every blow which comes at them. They also use barbed javelins made entirely of iron, and wear helmets and swords very much like those of the Celtiberians. They hurl the javelin with good effect, even over a long distance, and, in fine, are doughty in dealing their blows. Since they are nimble and wear light arms, they are swift both in flight and in pursuit, but when it comes to enduring the hardships of a stiff fight they are far inferior to the Celtiberians.

In time of peace they practise a kind of dance which requires great nimbleness of limb, and in their wars they march into battle with even step and raise a battle-song as they charge upon the foe. And a peculiar practice obtains among the Iberians and particularly among the Lusitanians for when their young men come to the bloom of their physical strength, those who are the very poorest among them in worldly goods and yet excel in vigour of body and daring equip themselves with no more than valour and arms and gather in the mountain fastnesses, where they form into bands of considerable size and then descend upon Iberia and collect wealth from their pillaging. And this brigandage they continually practise in a spirit of complete disdain for using as they do light arms and being altogether nimble and swift, they are a most difficult people for other men to subdue. And, speaking generally, they consider the fastnesses and crags of the mountains to be their native land and to these places, which large and heavily equipped armies find hard to traverse, they flee for refuge. Consequently, although the Romans in their frequent campaigns against the Lusitanians rid them of their great spirit of disdain, they were nevertheless unable, often as they eagerly set about it, to put a complete end to their plundering.

§ 5.35. Since we have set forth the facts concerning the Iberians, we think that it will not be foreign to our purpose to discuss the silver mines of the land for this land possesses, we may venture to say, the most abundant and most excellent known sources of silver, and to the workers of this silver it returns great revenues. […] Now the natives were ignorant of the use of the silver, and the Phoenicians, as they pursued their commercial enterprises and learned of what had taken place, purchased the silver in exchange for other wares of little if any worth. And this was the reason why the Phoenicians, as they transported this silver to Greece and Asia and to all other peoples, acquired great wealth.

§ 5.38. […] Tin also occurs in many regions of Iberia, not found, however, on the surface of the earth, as certain writers continually repeat in their histories, but dug out of the ground and smelted in the same manner as silver and gold. For there are many mines of tin in the country above Lusitania and on the islets which lie off Iberia out in the ocean and are called because of that fact the Cassiterides [modern Scilly Isles]. And tin is brought in large quantities also from the island of Britain to the opposite Gaul, where it is taken by merchants on horses through the interior of Celtica both to the Massalians and to the city of Narbo, as it is called. This city is a colony of the Romans, and because of its convenient situation it possesses the finest market to be found in those regions.

§ 14.113. [c. 387 BC] At the time that Dionysius was besieging Rhegium, the Celts who had their homes in the regions beyond the Alps streamed through the passes in great strength and seized the territory that lay between the Apennine mountains and the Alps, expelling the Tyrrhenians who dwelt there. These, according to some, were colonists from the twelve cities of Tyrrhenia but others state that before the Trojan War Pelasgians fled from Thessaly to escape the flood of Deucalion’s time and settled in this region. Now it happened, when the Celts divided up the territory by nations, that those known as the Sennones received the area which lay farthest from the mountains and along the sea. But since this region was scorching hot, they were distressed and eager to move hence they armed their younger men and sent them out to seek a territory where they might settle. Now they invaded Tyrrhenia, and being in number some thirty thousand they sacked the territory of the Clusini. At this very time the Roman people sent messengers into Tyrrhenia to spy out the army of the Celts. The ambassadors arrived at Clusium, and when they saw that a battle had been joined, with more valour than wisdom they joined the men of Clusium against their besiegers, and one of the messengers was successful in killing a rather important commander. When the Celts learned of this, they dispatched messengers to Rome to demand the person of the envoy who had thus commenced an unjust war. The senate at first sought to persuade the envoys of the Celts to accept money in satisfaction of the injury, but when they would not consider this, it voted to surrender the accused. But the father of the man to be surrendered, who was also one of the military tribunes with consular power, appealed the judgement to the people, and since he was a man of influence among the masses, he persuaded them to void the decision of the senate. Now in the times previous to this the people had followed the senate in all matters with this occasion they first began to rescind decisions of that body.

§ 14.114. The ambassadors of the Celts returned to their camp and reported the reply of the Romans. At this they were greatly angered and, adding troops from their fellow tribesmen, they marched swiftly upon Rome itself, numbering more than seventy thousand men. The military tribunes of the Romans, exercising their special power, when they heard of the advance of the Celts, armed all the men of military age. They then marched out in full force and, crossing the Tiber, led their troops for eighty stades along the river and at news of the approach of the Galatians they drew up the army for battle. Their best troops, to the number of twenty-four thousand, they set in a line from the river as far as the hills and on the highest hills they stationed the weakest. The Celts deployed their troops in a long line and, whether by fortune or design, stationed their choicest troops on the hills. The trumpets on both sides sounded the charge at the same time and the armies joined in battle with great clamour. The élite troops of the Celts, who were opposed to the weakest soldiers of the Romans, easily drove them from the hills. Consequently, as these fled in masses to the Romans on the plain, the ranks were thrown into confusion and fled in dismay before the attack of the Celts. Since the bulk of the Romans fled along the river and impeded one another by reason of their disorder, the Celts were not behind-hand in slaying again and again those who were last in line. Hence the entire plain was strewn with dead. Of the men who fled to the river the bravest attempted to swim across with their arms, prizing their armour as highly as their lives but since the stream ran strong, some of them were borne down to their death by the weight of the arms, and some, after being carried along for some distance, finally and after great effort got off safe. But since the enemy pressed them hard and was making a great slaughter along the river, most of the survivors threw away their arms and swam across the Tiber.

§ 14.115. The Celts, though they had slain great numbers on the bank of the river, nevertheless did not desist from the zest for glory but showered javelins upon the swimmers and since many missiles were hurled and men were massed in the river, those who threw did not miss their mark. So it was that some died at once from mortal blows, and others, who were wounded only, were carried off unconscious because of loss of blood and the swift current. When such disaster befell, the greater part of the Romans who escaped occupied the city of Veii, which had lately been razed by them, fortified the place as well as they could, and received the survivors of the rout. A few of those who had swum the river fled without their arms to Rome and reported that the whole army had perished. When word of such misfortunes as we have described was brought to those who had been left behind in the city, everyone fell into despair for they saw no possibility of resistance, now that all their youth had perished, and to flee with their children and wives was fraught with the greatest danger since the enemy were close at hand. Now many private citizens fled with their households to neighbouring cities, but the city magistrates, encouraging the populace, issued orders for them to bring speedily to the Capitoline grain and every other necessity.

When this had been done, both the acropolis and the Capitoline were stored not only with supplies of food but with silver and gold and the costliest raiment, since the precious possessions had been gathered from over the whole city into one place. They gathered such valuables as they could and fortified the place we have mentioned during a respite of three days. For the Celts spent the first day cutting off, according to their custom, the heads of the dead. And for two days they lay encamped before the city, for when they saw the walls deserted and yet heard the noise made by those who were transferring their most useful possessions to the acropolis, they suspected that the Romans were planning a trap for them. But on the fourth day, after they had learned the true state of affairs, they broke down the gates and pillaged the city except for a few dwellings on the Palatine. After this they delivered daily assaults on strong positions, without, however, inflicting any serious hurt upon their opponents and with the loss of many of their own troops. Nevertheless, they did not relax their ardour, expecting that, even if they did not conquer by force, they would wear down the enemy in the course of time, when the necessities of life had entirely given out.

§ 14.116. While the Romans were suffering from such difficulties, the neighbouring Tyrrhenians advanced and made a raid with a strong army on the territory of the Romans, capturing many prisoners and not a small amount of booty. But the Romans who had fled to Veii, falling unexpectedly upon the Tyrrhenians, put them to flight, took back the booty, and captured their camp. Having got possession of arms in abundance, they distributed them among the unarmed, and they also gathered men from the countryside and armed them, since they intended to relieve the siege of the soldiers who had taken refuge on the Capitoline. While they were at a loss how they might reveal their plans to the besieged, since the Celts had surrounded them with strong forces, a certain Cominius Pontius undertook to get the cheerful news to the men on the Capitoline. Starting out alone and swimming the river by night, he got unseen to a cliff of the Capitoline that was hard to climb and, hauling himself up it with difficulty, told the soldiers on the Capitoline about the troops that had been collected in Veii and how they were watching for an opportunity and would attack the Celts. Then, descending by the way he had mounted and swimming the Tiber, he returned to Veii. The Celts, when they observed the tracks of one who had recently climbed up, made plans to ascend at night by the same cliff. Consequently about the middle of the night, while the guards were neglectful of their watch because of the strength of the place, some Celts started an ascent of the cliff. They escaped detection by the guards, but the sacred geese of Hera, which were kept there, noticed the climbers and set up a cackling. The guards rushed to the place and the Celts deterred did not dare proceed farther. A certain Marcus Mallius, a man held in high esteem, rushing to the defense of the place, cut off the hand of the climber with his sword and, striking him on the breast with his shield, rolled him from the cliff. In like manner the second climber met his death, whereupon the rest all quickly turned in flight. But since the cliff was precipitous they were all hurled headlong and perished. As a result of this, when the Romans sent ambassadors to negotiate a peace, they were persuaded, upon receipt of one thousand pounds of gold, to leave the city and to withdraw from Roman territory.

§ 22.3. […] King Ptolemy [aka Ptolemaios Keraunos] was killed [in 279 BCE] and the whole Macedonian army was cut to pieces and destroyed by the Gauls.

§ 22.4. During this period the Gauls attacked Macedonia and harassed it, since there were many claimants to the kingship, who occupied it only briefly and then were driven out. […]

§ 22.5. This same Apollodorus recruited some Gauls and supplied them with weapons. He conferred gifts upon them and found them to be loyal guardsmen and convenient tools because of their cruelty to execute his punishments. By confiscating the property of the wealthy he amassed great wealth. Then, by an increase in the pay of his soldiers, and by sharing his riches with the poor, he made himself master of a formidable force.

§ 22.9. Brennus, the king of the Gauls, invaded Macedonia with one hundred and fifty thousand infantry armed with long shields, ten thousand cavalry, a horde of camp followers, large numbers of traders, and two thousand wagons. Having in this conflict lost many men [text missing] as lacking sufficient strength [text missing] when later he advanced into Greece and to the oracle at Delphi, which he wished to plunder. In the mighty battle fought there he lost tens of thousands of his fellow soldiers, and Brennus himself suffered three wounds. Weighed down and close to death, he assembled his host there and spoke to the Gauls. He advised them to kill him and all the wounded, to burn their wagons, and to return home free of burdens he advised them also to make Akichorios king. Then, after drinking deeply of undiluted wine, Brennus slew himself. After Akichorios buried him, he killed the wounded and those who were victims of cold and starvation, about twenty thousand people and so he began the journey homeward with the rest by the same route. In difficult terrain the Greeks would attack and cut off those in the rear, and carried off all their belongings. On the way to Thermopylae, food being scarce there, they abandoned twenty thousand more men. All the rest perished as they were going through the country of the Dardani, and not a single man was left to return home.

Brennus, the king of the Gauls, found no dedications of gold or silver when he entered a temple. All that he found were images of stone and wood he laughed at them to think that men, believing that gods have human form, should set up their images in wood and stone.
At the time of the Gaulish invasion the inhabitants of Delphi, seeing that danger was at hand, asked the god if they should remove the treasures, the children, and the women from the shrine to the most strongly fortified of the neighbouring cities. The Pythia replied to the Delphians that the god commanded them to leave in place in the shrine the dedications and whatever else pertained to the adornment of the gods for the god, and with him the White Maidens, would protect all. As there were in the sacred precinct two temples of extreme antiquity, one of Athena Pronaia and one of Artemis, they assumed that these goddesses were the “White Maidens” named by the oracle.

§ 22.11. Pyrrhus, having won a famous victory, dedicated the long shields of the Gauls and the most valuable of the other spoils in the shrine of Athena Itonis with the following inscription: “Pyrrhus the Molossian hung these shields, taken from the brave Gauls, here as a gift to Athena Itonis, after he destroyed Antigonus’ entire army. This is not surprising: the sons of Aeacus are warriors now even as they were before.” […]

§ 22.12. After Pyrrhus had sacked Aegeae, the seat of the Macedonian royal family, he left his Gaulish troops there. The Gauls, learning from certain informants that in accordance with a certain ancient custom much wealth was buried with the dead at royal funerals, dug up and broke into all the graves, divided up the treasure, and scattered the bones of the dead. Pyrrhus was disgusted by of this, but he did not punish the barbarians since he needed them for his wars.


Diodorus Siculus , Library of History, Volume VIII

For some reason, the consuls of 345 b.c. are placed three years earlier than in other lists.

The problems of the calendar year employed by Diodorus to date events in the Alexander story has recently been investigated by M. J. Fontana, Kokalos , 2. 1 (1956), 37–49. His conclusion that Diodorus here follows the Macedonian year which began in the autumn, but identified it by the names of the archon and the consuls who took office up to eight or nine months later, seems well founded. In the later years of Alexander’s life, Diodorus’s chronology becomes quite confused. 1

Earlier, in Book 16, on the other hand, the assignment of the battle of Chaeronea to 338/7 b.c. (chaps. 84–87) shows that Diodorus was there not following the Macedonian calendar. His choice in each case was presumably made for him in his source. His assignment of the sieges of Perinthus and Byzantium to 341/0 b.c. (chaps. 74–76), while they were narrated by Philochorus under 340/39 b.c. (F. Jacoby, Fragmente der griechischen Historiker , no. 328, F 54), is explained by the fact that the events occurred in the spring and summer of 340 b.c.

Sources and Character of the Narrative, Book XVI

Unlike Book 17, which only rarely interrupts the story of Alexander’s career to mention events elsewhere,

the second half of Book 16 contains two principal narratives, interspersed by two literary references (chaps. 71. 3 76. 5–6) and a number of notes referring to other matters, chiefly of a chronological interest: the Moiossians (chap. 72. 1), Caria (chap. 74. 2), Tarentum (chap. 88. 3–4), Heracleia Pontica (chap. 88. 5), Cius (chap. 90. 2) and Rome (chaps. 69. 1 90. 2). There are two references to Athenian activities (chaps. 74. 1 88. 1–2). Otherwise the stories of Timoleon and of Philip are interwoven on a chronological basis (Timoleon: chaps. 66–69. 6 70. 1–6 72. 2–73. 3 77. 4–83 90. 1 Philip: chaps. 69. 7–8 71. 1–2 74. 2–76. 4 77. 2–3 84. 1–87. 3 89 91–95). The source or sources of all this have been much discussed, and certainty is impossible.

In one chapter (83), it is reasonable to suppose that Diodorus, the Siciliote, is writing from his own observation, as he expressly does of Alexandria in Book 17. 52. 6. Otherwise the problem of Diodorus’s sources is complicated by the fact that we have very few specific fragments of earlier historians whom he may have used in this period. Since we have so little, for example, of Ephorus, Theopompus, Diyllus, Timaeus and the rest, and since J. Palm has shown how drastically Diodorus not only abridged and even distorted his sources but also rephrased them ( Über Sprache und Stil des Diodorus von Sizilien , 1955), all analyses based on style are unrewarding. On the other hand, there are certain indications which may be mentioned.

In the latter part of Book 16, Diodorus quotes Demosthenes (chaps. 84–85) and Lycurgus (chap. 88), possibly also Demades (chap. 87), and these quotations may or may not have been direct. On one occasion he uses a word which may be traced back to


Diodorus Siculus

Nuestros editores revisarán lo que ha enviado y determinarán si deben revisar el artículo.

Diodorus Siculus, (flourished 1st century bc , Agyrium, Sicily), Greek historian, the author of a universal history, Bibliothēkē (“Library” known in Latin as Bibliotheca historica), that ranged from the age of mythology to 60 bc .

Diodorus lived in the time of Julius Caesar and Augustus, and his own statements make it clear that he traveled in Egypt during 60–57 bc and spent several years in Rome. The latest event mentioned by him belongs to the year 21 bc . His history consisted of 40 books, of which 1–5 and 11–20 survive, and was divided into three parts. He outlined his plan in Book 1: Books 1–6 treat the mythic history of the non-Hellenic and Hellenic tribes to the destruction of Troy Books 7–17 end with Alexander’s death and Books 18–40 continue the history as far as the beginning of Caesar’s Gallic Wars. The extant Books 11–20, from the second and third parts, cover the years 480–302 bc .

los Bibliothēkē, invaluable where no other continuous historical source has survived, remedies to some extent the loss of the works of earlier authors, from which it was compiled. Diodorus does not always quote his authorities, but in the books that have survived his most important sources for Greek history were certainly Ephorus (for 480–340 bc ) and Hieronymus of Cardia (for 323–302) for Roman history he was heavily dependent on Polybius (to 146) and Posidonius.


The Battle of the Granicus River

The Story
Learning of the satrapal army’s approach, Alexander ‘advanced rapidly’ to the Granicus River where he set up his camp on the opposite bank to the Persians. At this point, the satraps had the advantage: Alexander would not only have to cross the river to meet them but climb up the bank on the opposite side before doing so. This would be sure to put the Macedonian phalanx into disorder and make Alexander’s men easy pickings.

Or so you would have thought. At dawn the next day, Alexander lead his men across the river and not only managed to scramble up the bank but was able to deploy it ‘in good order’ before [the Persians] could stop him’.

Now faced with an organised Macedonian army, the satraps deployed their cavalry at the front of their own line. Here is how satrapal army lined up:

Left Wing (flank to centre)

  • Memnon and Arsamenes – each in command of his own cavalry
  • Arsites – in command of the Paphlagonian cavalry
  • Spithrobates – in command of the Hyrcanian cavalry
  • Median cavalry – 1,000 in number / commanded by ?
  • Rheomithres – with 2,000 horse / in command of ?
  • Bactrian cavalry – 2,000 in number / commanded by ?

nótese bien The question marks regarding the right wing commanders reflects the fact that I am not clear about what Diodorus is saying here. It may be that Rheomithres was in charge of the Medes and Bactrians but that isn’t the impression I get when I read his text (see below).

We come now to the battle itself. I have broken it down into the following parts to make writing, and – hopefully – reading about, it easier. Do feel free to let me know if you find this arrangement useful or not.

Uno The Persian and Macedonian cavalry ‘joined battle spiritedly’. Diodorus singles out the Thessalian cavalry for praise. Under the command of Parmenion, it ‘gallantly met the attack of the troops posted opposite’.

Dos Alexander, leading ‘the finest of the riders on the right wing’ charged at the Persians and inflicted ‘substantial losses upon them’.

Tres The satrapal army ‘resisted [the Macedonian attack] bravely. Spithrobates, Darius’ son-in-law, threw himself at the Macedonians ‘with a large body of cavalry, and… forty companions, all Royal Relatives of outstanding valour’.

Cuatro Seeing the success of Spithrobates’ attack, Alexander turned to meet him.

Cinco Spithrobates saw Alexander coming and saw an opportunity to end the menace of the Macedonian king once-and-for-all. He threw his javelin at him. It pierced Alexander’s shield and ‘right epomis’ and ‘drove through [his] breastplate’. This sounds serious. The Footnotes tell us, however, that according to Plutarch, Alexander wasn’t injured. Alexander shook the javelin off and drove his spear into Spithrobates’ chest. This movement caused both armies to cry out ‘at [his] superlative display of prowess’.

Seis The movement was not a complete success, though. The point of the spear broke and the length recoiled in Alexander’s hand. Spithrobates ‘drew his sword and drove at Alexander. Fatally for him, he was not quick enough. Alexander ‘recovered his grip’ upon the spear and thrust it into Spithrobates’ face.

Siete Spithrobates fell to the ground. Just then, Spithrobates’ brother, Rhosaces, rode up behind Alexander and brought his sword down on the king’s head with such force that ‘it split his helmet’. Despite this, Alexander’s only physical wound was ‘a slight scalp wound’. Before Rhosaces could strike him again, Cleitus the Black ‘dashed up on his horse and cut off the Persian’s arm’.

Eight Diodorus now reports that Spithrobates’ companions, the Royal Relatives, threw their javelins at Alexander. Somehow, he managed to survive this deadly shower and the Relatives next, close-up, attack. Not without harm, though, Diodorus says Alexander suffered – ‘two blows on the breastplate, one on the helmet, and three on the shield’ it being the shield he had taken from Athena’s sanctuary. Back then, things were clearly made to last!

Nine Diodorus now lists some of the Persian commanders who died during the battle. They included Atizyes, Pharnaces (Stateira I’s brother), and Mithrobuzanes who commanded the Cappadocian cavalry contingent.

Diez With ‘many of their commanders’ dead and ‘all the Persian squadrons… worsted’ the Royal Relatives fled from Alexander. Seeing them retreat, other cavalry officers followed them. From what Diodorus says it seems that the flight of the Relatives allowed Alexander to claim the credit for being the ‘chief author of the victory’ in the whole battle (Do you remember how – in Book XVI Ch. 86 – we saw Philip II claim the victory at the Battle of Chaeronea after he put the Athenian-Boeotian soldiers to flight, despite the fact that the real damage had already been done by Alexander?). Diodorus also singles out the Thessalian cavalry again for praise.

Once Despite the route of the cavalry, the battle was not over yet. It soon would be, though, for the Persian soldiers were no match for the Macedonian phalanx. As Diodorus notes, they were also rattled by the cavalry’s retreat.

Twelve By the time that the Persian infantry was put to flight, the satrapal army had lost ‘more than ten thousand’ men. ‘[N]ot less than two thousand’ cavalry officers were killed, and 20,000 prisoners taken.

Thirteen Following the battle, Alexander ‘gave magnificent obsequies to the dead, for he thought it important by this sort of honour to create in his men greater enthusiasm to face the hazards of battle’.

Fourteen From the Granicus River, Alexander then marched through Lydia, taking over Sardis. Perhaps having heard of the Macedonians’ success at the Granicus River, Lydia’s satrap, Mithrines, gave up the city, its citadels and their treasuries without a fight.

Comentarios
If you are familiar with the other Alexander historians, specifically Arrian, you might have noticed that Diodorus gives a different time for Alexander’s crossing of the Granicus. He has it happening at daybreak on the day after the Macedonian army’s arrival at the river Arrian, on the other hand, places it in the late afternoon on the day of their arrival.

Diodorus doesn’t explain how on earth the Persians allowed the Macedonians not only to make a successful crossing of the river but make their way up the bank y form up, afterwards. Either he is incorrect regarding what happened or the Persians were negligent. The former is more likely the case as Arrian describes the Persians attacking the Macedonians from the get-go, and his source was someone who was there.

Regarding my uncertainty over who was in charge of the cavalry divisions on the Persian right wing, here are Diodorus’ own words, ‘The right wing was held by a thousand Medes and two thousand horse with Rheomithres as well as Bactrians of like number’.

In the last post we saw that there was rough agreement between our sources over the size of the Macedonian army. This is not the case in regards its Persian opposite. Here are the figures quoted by the Footnotes:

  • Justin 600,000
  • Arrian 20,000 foot, 20,000 caballo

There is surely an extra zero or two in Justin’s figure.

During the course of his career Alexander sustained numerous injuries but never came as close to death on the battlefield as he did at the Granicus River. As for Black Cleitus – his timely arrival would not only have implications for Alexander’s life but the spread of Hellenism across the world. If we were compiling a top ten of historically influential Macedonian commanders his intervention here would surely be Number One. In my opinion, the only other officer to come close to him is Ptolemy, for his building of the Museum of Alexandria and the role of the Library (e.g. in the translation of the Septuagint and its patronage of great scientists and writers), but if Rhosaces had landed his blow and killed the Alexander, Ptolemy would never have become king of Egypt in the first place.

Diodorus omits to mention how many Macedonian soldiers died in the battle. The Footnotes give us the other historians say.

  • Justin 9 foot, 120 caballo
  • Plutarch 9 foot, 25 caballo
  • Arrian 20 foot, 60 caballo

Bien. All I can say is if Macedonian casualties were really that low then the army was in inspired form that day. Staying at the bottom of the page, the Footnores also give the other historians’ figures for Persian casualties.

  • Plutarch 20,000 foot, 2,500 caballo
  • Arrian 1,000 horse + ‘most of the Greek phalanx’ minus 200 who were captured

I’m a little surprised by how quickly Diodorus moves on from the battle. In one line, Alexander is performing his ‘magnificent obsequies’ the next he is on the way through Lydia. If Alexander took the Persian camp maybe Diodorus omitted that on the grounds of repetition – Alexander would do the same to greater effect after Issus (which we will come to in Ch. 35)

Classifieds
Wanted – Darius. Dead or Alive.
Wanted – A new army. Contact Babylon ASAP
For Sale – Persian Hopes. Going Cheap


Contents of the Eighteenth Book

About Eumenes, and the strange changes of fortune that befell him (chap. 42).

How Ptolemy added Phoenicia and Coelê Syria to his domains (chap. 43).

How Antigonus defeated Alcetas in a noteworthy engagement (chaps. 44–47).

The death of Antipater, and the taking over of the royal army by Polyperchon (chaps. 48–49).

How Antigonus, encouraged by the death of Antipater and by his own accomplishments, became a competitor for the throne (chaps. 50–52).

How Eumenes unexpectedly gained in power and took over both the guardianship of the kings and the command of the Macedonian army (chap. 53).

The rise of Cassander and his war against Polyperchon, the guardian of the kings, and his cooperation with Antigonus (chaps. 54–57).

How Eumenes took over the Silver Shields in Cilicia, retired to the upper satrapies, and made ready for himself a considerable army (chaps. 58–59).

About the shrewdness and generalship of Eumenes, and about his deeds up to his death (chaps. 60–63).

What happened in Attica in regard to Cassander and Nicanor, commander of the garrison at Munychia (chaps. 64–65, 68–69).

The death of Phocion, called the Good (chaps. 66–67).

How Polyperchon besieged the people of Megalopolis, and, after many losses and successes, withdrew without accomplishing anything (chaps. 69–72).

How Cleitus, the admiral of Polyperchon, defeated Nicanor, the admiral of Cassander, in a naval battle (chap. 72).


Book XV

Lucius and Postumius. During their term of office 381/0 b.c . the Lacedaemonians appointed as general Agesipolis their king, gave him an adequate army, and voted to make war on the Olynthians. 1 On his arrival in Olynthian territory, he took under his command the soldiers previously encamped there and continued the war against the inhabitants. The Olynthians, however, engaged in no important battle this year, but to the end fought only by exchanges of missiles and short engagements, being in awe of the strength of the king’s army.

23. At the close of the year Pythias was archon 380/79 b.c . at Athens, and at Rome six military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Lucius Servilius, Lucius Julius, Aquilius, Lucius Lucretius, and Servius Sulpicius and in this year the Eleians celebrated the hundredth Olympiad, at which Dionysodorus of Tarentum won the stadium race. During their term of office Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, died of illness 2 after a reign of fourteen years Cleombrotus his brother succeeded to the throne and reigned for nine years. 3 The Lacedaemonians appointed Polybiadas general and sent him to the war against the Olynthians. He took over the forces, and, prosecuting the war vigorously and with able generalship, was often superior. With ever-increasing success, after several victories, he reduced


Ver el vídeo: Η μάχη της Χαιρώνειας (Julio 2022).


Comentarios:

  1. Farmon

    ¿Qué significa la palabra?

  2. Lowell

    Por supuesto. fue conmigo también. Podemos comunicarnos sobre este tema. Aquí o al PM.

  3. Pesach

    En mi opinión es obvio. Me abstendré de los comentarios.

  4. Muircheartaigh

    How do you order to understand?



Escribe un mensaje